Together for Freedom, Justice and Equality
Our revolution called for freedom, not tyranny!
Civil Network for a Democratic Syria
Our network comprises a diverse group of multiconfessional activists and civil society organizations dedicated to achieving genuine democracy in Syria. We maintain close connections with individuals and groups on the ground, particularly in the coastal region and major cities such as Homs, Sweidaa, Damascus, and Aleppo, and our network is growing every day.
We are deeply concerned about the current situation in Syria, especially the targeted violence against minorities by the Al-Jawlani group, which has positioned itself as the legitimate government. Recent reports from the UN Human Rights Office document the distressing scale of violence in Syria's coastal region since March 6, 2025, Many of these killings are clearly executions carried out on a sectarian basis, targeting predominantly Alawite communities.
Despite Al-Jawlani's attempts to present himself as a moderate leader, his past as the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an organization with roots in Syria's branch of Al-Qaeda, raises serious concerns about the future of democracy and human rights in Syria.
We emphasize that Al-Jawlani was and remains a terrorist, and his government, which he claims "exists due to the current circumstances," is directly implicated in atrocities. This stands in stark contrast to the aspirations of Syrian civil society, which has been working tirelessly for years on humanitarian aid, media, justice and accountability, human rights advocacy, and peacebuilding.
We are an initiative without Assad supporters, consisting of activists and citizens from diverse backgrounds. We advocate for a democratic, secular system of government that takes into account the diversity of Syrian society and its various components.
OUR DEMANDS:
Regarding the massacre dossier, we demand an independent investigation commission under international supervision, as we cannot rely on statements issued domestically. Everything coming from within the country is done under coercion and direct threats of murder, massacres, and ethnic cleansing. We must understand that minorities in the areas controlled by the transitional government are war hostages, and all decisions and statements they make today must be questioned.
The Masked Fighters: We demand pressure on the transitional authority to reveal the identities of its fighters. We have repeatedly heard the argument that it is impossible to know who the masked individuals are, making it difficult to identify those responsible for abuses and murders. The state must reveal the faces of its fighters, and every masked individual should be considered outside the law.
Recognition of the New Prisoners: Arbitrary arrests based on sectarian backgrounds must be documented, including information about the location of prisoners and the legal circumstances surrounding their detention.
Topics that must not be overlooked:
UN Resolution 2254, as the internationally agreed resolution issued by the UN Security Council regarding the transfer of power in Syria.
No acceptance of the constitutional declaration,The constitutional declaration is not included in Resolution 2254. It contains many contradictions and obvious flaws. It includes the separation of powers, while the president holds full legislative, executive, and judicial authority. It does not guarantee personal freedoms, and Islamic Sharia is stated as the primary source of legislation—not just one of its sources—with no specification of which interpretation of Islamic Sharia is meant.
Kurds, Druze, Alawites, and Christians have rejected the constitutional declaration.
Chaldeans, Assyrians, Circassians, Kurds, and Armenians are nationalities, not religious sects. The authority sometimes attempts to
co-opt certain individuals from these communities, but this is far from a genuine effort to represent these sects, ethnicities, and nationalities.
What the authority has done so far is merely a formal imitation of a hastily conducted national dialogue conference whose recommendations were already dictated by the authority. It is claimed that revolutionary legitimacy allows unilateral decisions to be made—from appointing committees to forming the government.
This formal national conference produced a transitional government with full executive powers, a provisional legislative council, and a transitional government. According to the constitutional declaration, it gave Ahmed al-Shara (al-Jolani) the right to appoint two-thirds of the members of the People's Council, while the remaining third is appointed by a committee he himself determines. There is also no mechanism for selecting members of the Supreme Judicial Council, which is also chaired by al-Shara. Al-Shara additionally has the right to appoint members of the Supreme Constitutional Court.
This undermines the entire content of Resolution 2254, which stipulates that all segments of society must participate in all aforementioned committees and appointments. Instead of limiting the transitional period to 18 months, it has now been extended to five years—amounting to a permanent state.
Judicial files against Daesh (ISIS) and al-Nusra prior to December 8 must not be postponed or ignored.
Transitional justice: Investigation into crimes committed by all parties, including those currently in power.
The previous Syrian flag did not belong to the fallen regime, but in the memories of Syrians, it became associated with the tragedies and bloodshed that the regime caused. Similarly, today, the revolution flag has become linked to the bloodshed caused by the de facto authority in coastal areas and other cities, especially for the families of massacre victims.
The rejection of this flag by some families of victims does not, in any way, imply their support for the criminal fallen regime. This is a false and unfounded accusation. Just as we will never forget the victims of the previous regime, we will not turn a blind eye to the victims of the de facto authority.
Therefore, we believe that refraining from raising flags during mourning gatherings is a gesture of respect for the families and their grief.
It is worthy to note that flags represent the state, not the ruling authority, yet in Syria’s case, they have become highly politicized, and it is our duty to seriously work together on this issue.
We stress that the de facto authority does not embody the principles of the revolution, and we urge everyone to exercise restraint and recognize that our struggle today goes beyond mere symbols. Our true struggle is against the sectarian authoritarian regime, in pursuit of a free, just, and democratic Syria.
As Syrian blood continues to be shed, we must not be consumed by disputes that deepen the division. We, Syrians in Europe, living under democratic systems, should serve as a model of peaceful coexistence rather than an extension of the Syrian conflict, so no to treason accusations, and no to exclusion.
For this reason, we will soon announce the organization of a seminar to discuss this issue, with the goal of finding consensus-based solutions that satisfy all parties
We raised the revolution flag as a symbol of freedom; may it never become a tool of division.
Write us
Telefon: +4915259531166
E-Mail: info@cnfds.org
Wir benötigen Ihre Zustimmung zum Laden der Übersetzungen
Wir nutzen einen Drittanbieter-Service, um den Inhalt der Website zu übersetzen, der möglicherweise Daten über Ihre Aktivitäten sammelt. Bitte überprüfen Sie die Details in der Datenschutzerklärung und akzeptieren Sie den Dienst, um die Übersetzungen zu sehen.